Directional Footing, Degeneracy, and Alignment

نویسندگان

  • Megan Crowhurst
  • Mark S. Hewitt
  • Cheryl Zoll
چکیده

This paper argues from an Optimality Theory (OT; Prince & Smolensky 1991, 1993; McCarthy & Prince 1993a,b, 1994) perspective that no one-to-one correspondence exists between directional footing effects and individual constraints. Rather, the requirements of a single prosodic alignment constraint may result either in left-to-right or right-to-left footing, depending on its position in a constraint hierarchy relative to constraints which require syllable-to-foot parsing and binary foot structure. We show, furthermore, that an OT approach predicts a dependency between direction of footing and the treatment of stray syllables not predicted under other accounts.

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تاریخ انتشار 2000